The Beginning of the Universe

LALISH, IRAQ – In Northern Iraq there is a place called Lalish where the Yezidis say the universe was born. I drove south from Dohok on snowy roads through an empty land, seemingly to the ends of the earth, and found it nestled among cold hills.

I went there because the President of Dohok University told me to go. “I am a Muslim,” he said. “But I love the Yezidis. Theirs is the original religion of the Kurds. Only through the Yezidis can I speak to God in my own language.”

Yezidis are ancient fire-worshippers. They heavily influenced Zoroastrianism, and in turn have been heavily influenced by Sufi Islam. The temple at Lalish is their “Mecca.” Hundreds of thousands of remaining Yezidis – those Kurds who refused to submit to Islam – make pilgrimages there at least once in their lifetimes from all over the Middle East and Europe.

“They worship Satan,” my Kurdish-speaking driver said to me through my translator Birzo before we got out of the car. It sounded like ignorant bullshit to me, and not only because Saddam Hussein also said so. I would have to ask the Yezidis about that.

We parked the car and approached a Yezidi man wearing Peshmerga pants and a checkered kerchief over his head and his shoulders.

He greeted us warmly and introduced to another man who said he would be happy to show us around.

A small conical monument sits in a courtyard in the center of Lalish. It represents heaven and earth. The round knob at the top is the sun. Inside the cone are seven layers. Supposedly there are seven layers in the earth. “Science proves this,” my Yezidi guide said. A candle representing the life force of the universe burns inside.

Candles are placed in wind-protected altars all around Lalish. The Yezidis keep the flames burning forever. Without fire, they say, all life would be extinguished. I supposed they were right. (I wondered what they would do to a person who blew out the candles.)

Small buildings that I first thought were houses surround the central courtyard. These small buildings are shrines. (Lalish isn’t a village. No one actually lives there.) The shrines are sacred places dedicated to various Yezidi prophets who are said to help people with physical ailments. There is a shrine where you go if you have a back ache. There is a shrine where you go if you have a tooth ache. And so on. The soil inside and under the shrines is supposedly magic.

My Yezidi guide (below, right) asked me and Birzo (below, left) to take off our shoes before he led us into the temple.

“Please step over the entryway,” our guide said. “Don’t step on it.”

I stepped over the entryway.

“Why can’t we step on it?” I said.

“It isn’t proper,” he said.

The temple was dark inside. I could hardly see a thing. So I took out my digital camera, turned on the flash, and snapped a picture so I could see what it looked like.

Silk cloth draped from ropes as though it were laundry hung out to dry. Simple brick arches separated two long narrow sides.

In the far corner was a small chamber. You had to duck your head to get inside. Non-Yezidis were not allowed to enter.

Two young men entered the temple, ducked into the sacred chamber, and came out with small metal stands with what look looked like square cooking pans attached to the tops. They poured oil into the pans, brought them into the public space, and dropped in some lit matches. Small flames burned in the corners.

My feet froze. Never in my life have my feet been so cold. I’ve taken my shoes off in lord-knows-how-many mosques, but mosques have carpeted floors. The temple at Lalish was open to the winter mountain air, the floor was made of cold hard stone, and I stood on it for a long time. Pain shot up my ankles through the balls of my feet. But I wasn’t about to complain. When would I ever be here again? I was honored that they let me inside their “Mecca,” their birthplace of the universe, only because I showed up and said hi.

When we went back outside the temple I put my shoes back on with tremendous relief. Birzo’s feet didn’t seem to be doing any better than mine, but the Yezidis were used to the cold.

Birzo and I waited on a small elevated platform above the temple courtyard while our guide went and summoned Baba Sheikh, the Yezidi version of a top imam or priest. Actually, he was more like their Pope.

Baba Sheikh greeted us warmly. He wore a white robe, sandals despite the cold, a tan shawl, and a black belt. His face, with its fiercely intelligent eyes, was framed by a long black beard and a one-inch thick headband.

“Sometimes translators do not translate correctly for me,” he said to me in Kurdish through Birzo. He then squinted just slightly at my innocent translator before nodding at me as though he trusted me more, as though we shared some sort of a bond.

“Please,” he said. “Ask me anything you like.”

I wanted to ask about the accusation that the Yezidis are in cahoots with Satan, but it probably wasn’t the best thing to lead with.

“Are you married?” I said. “Can Baba Sheikh take a wife?”

Baba Sheik must be married before taking the job. Only men from his tribe can be sheikhs. It has always been thus.

I also wanted to know about prohibitions. I knew tobacco wasn’t a problem because there were several Yezidis around, including my guide in the temple, and they were chain-smoking Marlboros.

The Yezidis borrow from the three main monotheisms in the region. As it turns out, alcohol is prohibited. So is pork. So, of all things, is lettuce.

“Why do you not trust translators?” I said. “Do you think they misrepresent what you say on purpose?”

“I don’t know,” he said. “A journalist came and spoke to me twice in two years. He had a different translator each time. I was shocked the second time I saw him because his first translator told him so many things that weren’t true. There was no way I could know this until he came back with somebody else.”

“Are you friends with Satan?” I said. “Some Muslims have told me Yezidis are friends with Satan.” I didn’t tell him that my driver, who was standing right next to me, had said this only a half-hour ago.

“We are not friends with Satan. This is a common point of confusion. They mean Malek Taus. He is the King of the Angels, and the Yezidis follow his way.”

Malek Taus is some kind of celestial peacock. He supposedly said no to God, who did little more than create the universe from a pearl, when God asked all the angels to pray to Adam. “Adam,” he said (as in Adam and Eve) “was a prophet of God.” But Malek Taus later repented and has been in God’s good graces since.

What’s important about Malek Taus is that he (it?) was given the choice to follow good or evil, just as human beings are given that choice. Malek Taus chose the good path even though he did not have to. He sets the right example, then, for humans to follow.

“Can someone from another religion become a Yezidi?” I said.

“No,” Baba Sheik said. He shrugged his shoulders and cocked his head. “We are the original people,” he said and spread out his arms. “We can’t become a cocktail religion like Islam.” Everyone, including my Muslim driver and translator, thought that was hilarious.

They’re a bit like the Druze then, the fierce people who live in the mountains of Syria and Lebanon. You can’t convert and become a Druze either. Yezidis believe they will be reincarnated as Yezidis after they die, just as Druze believe they will be reincarnated as Druze.

Baba Sheikh apparently didn’t want me to think they were close-minded bigots. “We are a peaceful people,” he said. “We don’t interfere with others. We are the nation of generosity and kindness.”

He didn’t think that about everyone else in the region.

“72 times Muslims tried to conquer us,” he said. “Christians never once tried to conquer us. The Christians are wise, not like Muslims.”

I checked Birzo’s facial expression, body language, and tone of voice when he translated this for me. He didn’t seem offended at all, even though I knew he was a believing Muslim. He was almost certainly translating correctly. He’s a real professional, and I already trusted him anyway. If he was going to edit anything out, he probably would have edited that out.

“Can Yezidis marry people from other religions?” I said.

“No,” Baba Sheikh said. “We cannot intermarry. A Yezidi might want to convert to Islam or Christianity if he behaved badly as a Yezidi and needs a new beginning. Only then can he marry someone who is not a Yezidi.”

What about the significance of fire?

“Fire is from God,” Baba Sheikh said. “Without fire, no one would live. When Muslim Kurds swear today they still say I swear by this fire.”

“Do you think of yourselves as Kurds?” I said. They self-identify as Yezidis, but they speak Kurdish and obviously feel some kind of kinship with the Muslims.

“When there is politics, we are Kurds,” he said. “When there is no politics, we are Yezidis.”

He told me about their “Bible.”

“Our holy book is called The Black Book. It is written in gold. The book is in Britain. They took our book. That is why the British have science and education. The book came from the sky. If you go to the British Museum you can see it.”

Did they have any copies?

“There are no copies,” Baba Sheikh said. “The book is in our hearts.”

“Christians have churches,” I said. “Muslims have mosques. What do you call your temples?

“We call them mazars,” he said.

“Do you have any in Europe?” Hundreds of thousands of Kurds live in Europe, and tens of thousands of those are Yezidis.

“We have no mazars in Europe,” he said “Only in the Middle East and in Russia. We cannot make new ones. These are all originals. Muslims will build a mosque on top of a dump site after clearing the garbage. We could never do this.”

Birzo still didn’t seem offended by what Baba Sheikh said.

Night was coming soon and it was getting colder outside. Birzo and I started to get shifty. We needed to get moving.

“Thank you so much for meeting with me,” I said and firmly shook Baba Sheikh’s hand.

“All people in the world should be brothers,” he said. “You are always welcome here for the rest of your life.”

We drove away from Lalish and stopped in a field to watch the sun go down over the mountains.

I asked Birzo if he found Baba Sheik’s comments about Islam and Muslims offensive.

“Of course not,” he said. “I understand his mentality and he understands mine. It’s okay. We are Kurds. Kurds don’t get upset about religion. We aren’t like Arabs. We believe in arguments based on reason, not emotion. If people don’t agree with me about something, I’m not going to get mad at them. We will just have different opinions.”

“I like the Yezidis,” I said.

“I do, too,” he said. “They are peaceful people, but they resisted Islam for so many centuries. You have to admire them.” I didn’t expect a Muslim to say that. Perhaps my expectations weren’t fair.

Watching the sunset after being welcomed at the birthplace of the Yezidi universe, there was nowhere else in the world I would rather have been at that moment. Hippies would love the Yezidis, I thought. I felt lucky that I was able to meet them.

When we got back in the car it hit me: Oh that’s right, I’m in Iraq. For the first time since I got there I had completely forgotten.

Twenty minutes later we passed the turnoff to Mosul.

Postscript: If you enjoy my posts from Iraq, please don’t forget to hit the tip jar. I can’t do this for free. Thanks!

photos and article by Pruittiporn Kerdchoochuen

The demonstration held on July 15, 2009 by the Council of Yezidis in Germany and co-sponsored by my employer, the Society for Threatened Peoples (Gesellschaft für bedrohte Völker), outside of Oldenburg in Lower Saxony, was part of a last minute effort to rally support for a Yezidi family threatened with deportation, as well as to raise awareness on the issue in general. Yezidi is a Kurdish religion of Indo-European roots, and most of its followers are Kurdish- speaking originally from northern Iraq. The family of 4 had moved to Germany over ten years ago to escape the oppression and lack of opportunities they face as an ethnic and religious minority in Syria. The 2 children, the oldest having been 3 when the family left Syria and the younger having been born in Germany, speak German, attend German schools and call Germany their homeland. Now that their 10 year visa is up, they are faced with deportation back to Syria, and thus to routine discrimination by a state notorious for its use of torture and mistreatment of minorities.

The demonstration brought together the Yezidi community, their friends and supporters, and human rights activists in the area. Little children, teenagers, parents and grandparents were all present, clad in everything ranging from traditional headscarves to Chucks and low riding jeans. For me, the rally emphasized the “human” in human rights. It served as a reminder that, in the end, we are not merely fighting for some intangible ideals, but for real people: for our brothers, sisters, mothers, fathers…

DEVIL WORSHIP

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INTRODUCTION

http://www.sacred-texts.com/asia/sby/sby02.htm

THE ORIGIN OF THE MANUSCRIPT

The Arabic manuscript here translated was presented to me before I left Mosul by my friend Dâud aṣ-Ṣâîġ as a memento of our friendship. Ḫawâja aṣ-Ṣâîġ was a man of culture, in sympathy with western thought, and an intimate acquaintance of M. N. Siouffi, the vice-consul of the French Republic in Mosul. From the first page of the manuscript it appears that through some Yezidis he had access to their literature. I know he was in close touch with many of them, especially with the family of Mulla Ḥaidar, which is the only Yezidi family that can read and guard the sacred tradition of the sect.

The manuscript comprises a brief Introduction, the Sacred Books, and an Appendix. In the first, the compiler indicates the source of his information and gives a sketch of the life of Šeiḫ ‘Adî, the chief saint of the Yezidis.

The Sacred Books comprise Kitâb al-Jilwah (Book of Revelation), and Maṣḥaf Rêš (Black Book)--so named because in it mention made of the descent of

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the Lord upon the Black Mountain (p. 32). Al Jilwah 1 is ascribed to Šeiḫ ‘Adî himself, and would accordingly date from the twelfth century A. D. It is divided into a brief introduction and five short chapters. In each, ‘Adî is represented as the speaker. In the Preface the Šeiḫ says that he existed with Melek Ṭâ’ûs before the creation of the world, and that he was sent by his god Ṭâ’ûs to instruct the Yezidi sect in truth. In the first chapter he asserts his omnipresence and omnipotence; in the second he claims to have power to reward those who obey him and to punish those who disobey him; in the third he declares that he possesses the treasures of the earth; in the fourth he warns his followers of the doctrines of those that are without; and in the fifth he bids them keep his commandments and obey his servants, who will communicate to them his teachings. The Black Book, 2 which perhaps dates from the thirteenth century, is larger than the Book of Revelation, but is not divided into chapters. It begins with the narrative of creation: God finishes his work in seven days--Sunday to Saturday. In each day he creates an angel or king (melek). Melek Ṭâ’ûs, who is created on Sunday, is made chief of all. After that Fahr-ad Din creates the planets, man, and animals. Then follows a story about Adam and Eve, their temptation and quarrel; the coming of the chief angels to the world to establish the Yezidi kingdom; the flood; the miraculous birth of Yezîd bn Mu‘awiya; and certain ordinances in regard to food, the New Year, and marriages.

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The Appendix contains the following:

1. A collection of materials concerning the Yezidi belief and practice.

2. A poem in praise of Šeiḫ ‘Adî.

3. The principal prayer of the Yezidis, in the Kurdish language.

4. A description of the Yezidi sacerdotal system.

5. A petition to the Ottoman government to exempt the sect from military service, presented in the year 1872 A. D.

An analysis of the texts shows that the material is taken from different sources: part of it is clearly derived from the religious books of the sect; another part from a description of the beliefs and customs of the sect given by a member of it to an outsider; a third, partly from observations by an outsider, partly from stories about Yezidis current among their Christian neighbors. Unfortunately the compiler does not specify whence each particular part of his information is obtained. On closer examination it is evident that part, at least, of the Arabic in hand is a translation from Syriac.

The Yezidis, frequently called "Devil-Worshippers," are a small and obscure religious sect, numbering about 20,000. 3 They are scattered over a belt of territory three hundred miles wide, extending in length from the neighborhood of Aleppo in northern Syria to the Caucasus in southern Russia. The mass of

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them, however, are to be found in the mountains of northern and central Kurdistan and among the Sinjar Hills of Northern Mesopotamia.

By reason of their mysterious religion, the Devil Worshipers have been an object of interest and investigation for several generations. Our chief first-hand sources of information in regard to the manners, customs, and practices of these people are: Sir Henry Layard, Nineveh and its Remains (1849), Nineveh and Babylon (1853); G. p. Badger, The Nestorians and their Rituals (1852); my honored teacher, Rev. A. N. Andrus, veteran missionary of the A. B. C. F. M., resident in Mardin, Mesopotamia, "The Yezidis," in the Encyclopedia of Missions; p. Anastase, "The Yezidis," in the Arabic periodical, Al-Mašrik, Vol. II , (1899); Professor A. V. Williams Jackson, of Columbia University, Persia Past and Present (1906); "The Yezidis," in the International Encyclopedia, s. v.; also in JAOS, XXV, 178; M. N. Siouffi, in the Journal Asiatique, 1882 (vii^e série, T. 20), p. 252, and 1885 (viii^e série, T. 5), p. 78. Siouffi was the first to discover and establish the historical character of Šeiḫ ‘Adî, about whom the scholars had been puzzled. He published an extract relating to ‘Adî from Ibn Ḫallikân's Wafaiyât ‘al-Ayân (bibliographical work). Of the second-hand sources of information may be mentioned Les Yezidis, by J. Menant (Paris, 1892), and the article by Victor Dingelstedt, "The Yezidis," in the Scottish Geographical Magazine, Vol. XIV, pp. 259 ff. 4

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In addition to these descriptions, several manuscripts have come to light of recent years which give a great deal of information about the beliefs and customs of the Yezidis

Two of these manuscripts are in the Bibliothèque Nationale, in Paris (Fond Syriaque, Nos. 306 and 325). A translation of the Arabic (Carshuni) texts in these manuscripts relative to the Yezidis was published by Professor E. H. Browne in an appendix to O. H. Parry, Six Months in a Syrian Monastery, 1895. Professor Browne at that time proposed to edit the Arabic text (see J.-B. Chabot, Journal Asiatique, 1896, ix^e série, T. 7, p. 100); but so far as I can ascertain this intention has not been carried out.

The manuscript translated by Browne, which according to Parry (loc. cit., p. 357) was written by a native of Mosul, seems to be closely related to that translated below. There are, however, some differences in contents and arrangement: my copy is divided into the Book of Revelation, the Black Book, and an Appendix; while Browne's embraces the Book of Revelation which corresponds to that in my manuscript), and two other "Accounts," the greater part of which is contained in the Black Book of my text, and the rest in the Appendix. Further, in my manuscript Al-Jilwah immediately follows the Introduction; while in Browne's the discussion of the sacerdotal system, the petition to the Ottoman government, and some other matters are inserted between the Introduction and Al-Jilwah. In Browne's, moreover, the

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[paragraph continues] Poem in Praise of Šeiḫ ‘Adî, and the Principal Prayer (in Kurdish) are absent, while the petition to the Turkish government is briefer, and lacks articles iv and xiv. The text of this petition, in its original form. was published by Lidzbarski in ZDMG, LI, 592 ff., after a manuscript in Berlin which was procured from Šammas Eremia Šamir.

Two Syriac texts have also been printed. The first, edited and translated by J.-B. Chabot in the Journal Asiatique, 1896 (ix^e série, T. 7), p. 100 ff., from the Paris manuscripts referred to above, corresponds, with slight variations, to the second "Account,"' of Browne (Parry, loc. cit., pp. 380-87).

The second was published with an Italian translation, by Samuel Giamil, under the title, Monte Singar; Storia di un Popolo Ignoto (Rome, 1900), from a manuscript copied for him in 1899 from an original in the monastery of Rabban Hormizd. The author of this work, a Syrian priest, Isaac, lived for a long time among the Yezidis, and not only had unusual opportunities of observation, but, as is evident from several anecdotes, possessed their confidence and esteem in a singular degree. His work is in catechetical form: a youthful Yezidi inquirer questions a teacher about the beliefs, traditions, and customs of his people, and the answers contain the fullest exposition of these matters we at present possess. Occasionally the author falls out of his role, and lets it appear that the questioner is no other than Priest Isaac himself.

The work is divided into ten sections, which treat

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respectively of the works of God and his abode (p. 3) the creation of Adam and Eve (p. 8); the wonderful deeds of the god Yezîd (p. 16); the Yezidi saints (p. 27); the New-Year (p. 32); marriage customs (p. 46); death and burial (p. 53); the pilgrimage to Šeiḫ ‘Adî's shrine (p. 67); the festivals and assemblies at Šeiḫ ‘Adî (p. 80); and the Yezidi kings (p. 87).

Apart from the Kitâb al-Jilwah, Priest Isaac's work is clearly the source from which is derived most of the material in the Syriac and Arabic manuscripts that have hitherto come to light.

Beside the Arabic manuscript from Dâud aṣ-Ṣaîġ which is translated below, I have in my possession two others, which were sent me by the Rev. A. N. Andrus. The first of these written by Šammas Eremia Šamir (designated in the notes hereafter as SS), seems to be a duplicate of that from which Browne's translation was made. They agree in contents and arrangement, and in certain readings in which they differ from the other texts. At the close of SS the writer says that he compiled it (chiefly from Al-Jilwah) for the benefit of some of his friends who wished to acquaint themselves with the Yezidi religion.

The origin of the Yezidi sect has been the subject of much discussion, but no satisfactory solution of the problem has as yet been reached. There are those who assert that the Yezidis are the remains of the ancient Manichaeans; 5 others entertain the view that the Yezidis were originally Christians, whom progressive ignorance has brought into their present

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condition 6--some even going so far as to connect the name "Yezidi" with "Jesus"! 7 Some think that the Yezidi sect takes its name from the Persian word yazd, 'god, or good spirit,' over against Ahriman, the evil principle; 8 while others associate it with Yazd or Yezid, a town in central Persia, the inhabitants of which are chiefly Parsees. 9 Some finally maintain that the sect was founded by Šeiḫ ‘Adî. 10

The Yezidis themselves had a curious legend connecting the name with the Caliph Yezîd bn Mu‘âwiya 11 (see p. 37).

In a dissertation presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Harvard University I called attention to a statement of aš-Šahrastânî the importance of which seems hitherto not to have been appreciated, but which appears to me to give the most probable explanation of the name and of the original affinities of the sect. The passage is as follows (Kitâb al Milal wan-Nihal, ed. Cureton, I, 101):

The Yezidis are the followers of Yezîd bn Unaisa, who kept friendship with the first Muhakkama, before the Azariḳa; he separated himself from those who followed after them with the exception of the Abadiyah 12 for with these he kept friendly. He believed that God would send an apostle from among the Persians, and would reveal to him a book that is already written in heaven, and would reveal the whole (book) to him at one time, 13 and as a result he would leave the religion of Mohammed, the Chosen One--

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may God bless and save him!--and follow the religion of the Sabians mentioned in the Koran. 14 (These are not the Sabians who are found in Ḥarân and Wasit. 15) But Yezîd associated himself with the people of the Book who recognized the Chosen One as a prophet, even though they did not accept his (Mohammed's) religion. And he said that the followers of the ordinances are among those who agree with him; but that others are hiding the truth and give companions to God, and that every sin, small or great, is idolatry. 16

The statement of Aš-Šahrastânî is so clear that it can bear no other interpretation than that the Yezidis were the followers of Yezîd bn Unaisa. He calls them his ’aṣḥâb, that is, his followers, a term by which he designates the relation between a sect and its founder. 17 The statement comes from the pen of one who is considered of the highest authority among the Arab scholars on questions relating to philosophical and religious sects. 18 This precise definition of the position of Yezîd bn Unaisa in the sectarian conflicts of the first century of Islam seems to show that he had exact information about him.

The prediction about the Persian prophet is quoted, almost in the same words, by another great Mohammedan authority on religious sects, Ibn Ḥazm, who lived a century before Aš-Šahrastânî. (The Egyptian edition of Ibn Ḥazm, Vol. IV, p. 188, reads Zaid bn Abi Ubaisa; but that Unaisa should be restored is evident from the fact that Ibn Ḥazm is at pains to distinguish the author of this unorthodox prediction from

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the well-known traditionist of the name--e. g., Tabari, I, 135. 19

The prophecy was perhaps preserved among the leaders of the Abaḍiya, with which sect Yezîd bn Unaisa is associated Aš-Šahrastânî's statement, the significant part of which we have found also in Ibn Ḥazm was doubtless derived from an older written source.

Who is intended by the coming Persian prophet--if, indeed, any particular individual is meant--it is not possible to determine. Kremer 20 cannot be right in identifying him with Šeiḫ ‘Adî, for the supposed prediction was in circulating a century or more before his time. He is said to have been, not a Persian, but a Syrian from Baalbek or elsewhere in the West; and both in Arabic authors 21 and in his own writings 22 he appears as a Moslem, a Sufi saint in good standing. The Yezidis to this day await the appearance of the Persian prophet. 23

On the basis of these scanty bits of fact, it appears that: The Yezidis were originally a Ḫarijite 24 subsect, akin to the Abadiya, bearing the name of their founder, Yezîd bn Unaisa. Certain distinctive Ḫarijite peculiarities seem indeed to have outlived among them the common faith of Islam; such as the tolerant judgment of Jews and Christians; the condemnation of every sin as implicit idolatry. In their new seats in Kurdistan, whither they migrated about the end of the fourteenth century 25 they were drawn into the movement of which Šeiḫ ‘Adî was in his life time the

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leader and after his death the saint, and ended by making of him the incarnation of God in the present age. 26 With this they joined elements drawn from Christianity, 27 with here and there a trace of Judaism, and with large survivals of the persistent old Semitic heathenism, many of which they share with their neighbors of all creeds.

Difficult problems, 28 however, remain unsolved, especially the origin and nature of the worship of Melek Ṭâ'ûs. 29 The certain thing is that the actual religion of the Yezidis is a syncretism, to which Moslem, Christian (heretical, rather than orthodox), pagan, and perhaps also Persian religions have contributed. 30

Footnotes

12:1 p. 22 Al-Jilwah is said to have been written in 158 A. H., by Šeiḫ Faḫr-ad-Dîn, the secretary of Šeiḫ ‘Adî, at the dictation of the latter. The original copy, wrapped in linen and silk wrappings, is kept in the house of Mulla Ḥaidar, of Baadrie. Twice a year the book is taken to Šeiḫ ‘Adî's shrine. (Letter from Šammas Jeremia Šamir to Mr. A. N. Andrus, of Mardin, dated October 28, 1892.)

12:2 The Black Book is said to have been written by a certain Ḥasan al-Baṣrî, in 743 A. H. The original copy is kept in the house of Kehyah (chief) ‘Ali, of Kasr ‘Az-ad-Dîn, one hour west of Semale, a village east of Tigris. The book rests upon a throne, having over it a thin covering of red broadcloth, of linen, and other wrappings. Then is disclosed the binding, which is of wood.

13:3 The exact number of the Yezidis is unknown. See also Société de Géographie de l’Est, Bulletin, 1903, p. 284; Al Mašriḳ, II, 834.

14:4 For a fuller account of the literature on the Yezidis, consult J. Menant, Les Yézidis, and Paul Perdrizet, Société de Géographie de l’Est, Bulletin, 1903 pp. 281 ff.

17:5 Société de Géographie de l’Est, Bulletin, 1903, p. 297.

18:6 Fraser, Mesopotamia and Persia, pp. 285, 287; Rich, Residence in Kurdistan, II, 69; Al Mašriḳ, II, .396; Badger, The Nestorians and their Rituals, I: 111; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis, III, 439.

18:7 p. 23 Michel Febvre, Theatre de la Turquie, p. 364; Société de Géographie de l’Est, Bulletin, 1903, pp. 299, 301; cf. also J. Menant, Les Yézidis, pp. 52, 86, 132.

18:8 Oppenheim, Vom Mittelmeer sum persischen Golf, 1900, II, 148; Victor Dingelstedt, Scottish Geographical Magazine, XIV, 295; Southgate, A Tour through Armenia, II, 317; A. V. Williams Jackson, "Yezidis," in the New International Encyclopedia, XVII, 939; Perdrizet, loc. cit., p. 299.

18:9 A. V. Williams Jackson, Persia Past and Present, p. 10, New International Encyclopedia, "Yezidis;" Perdrizet, loc. cit.

18:10 Dingelstedt, loc. cit.; Revue de l’Orient Chrétien, I, "Kurdistan."

18:11 Société de Géographie de l’Est, loc. cit.; Encyclopedia of Missions, "Yezidis"; A. V. Williams Jackson, loc. cit.

18:12 On these sects consult Aš-Šahrastânî, I, 86, 89, 100.

18:13 Not like Mohammed, to whom, according to Moslem belief, the Koran was revealed at intervals.

19:14 On the Ṣabians of the Koran, see Baiḍâwi and Zamaḫšari on Suras 2, 59; 5, 73; 22, 17.

19:15 On the Ṣabians of Ḥarrân, see Fihrist, p. 190; on the Ṣabians in general consult Aš-Šahrastânî, II, 203; on the location of Ḥarrân and Wasit, see Yaḳût, II, 331, and IV, 881.

19:16 To get more particular information in regard to Yezîd bn Unaisa, I wrote to Mosul, Bagdad, and Cairo, the three centers of Mohammedan learning, and strange to say, none could throw any light on the subject.

19:17 Al-Haratiyah he describes as Aṣhâb Al-Ḥareṭ (I, 101), al-Ḥafaziyah, Aṣḥâb Ḥafez (ibid.), etc.

19:18 p. 24 Ibn Ḫallikân says: " Aš-Šahrastânî, a dogmatic theologian of the Ašarite sect, was distinguished as an Imâm and a doctor of the law. He displayed the highest abilities as a jurisconsult. The Kitâb al-Milal wan-Nihal (this is the book in which Al-Šahrastânî traces the Yezidi sect to Yezîd bn Unaisa) is one of his works on scholastic theology. He remained without an equal in that branch of science."

20:19 It is to be noticed also that the name "Unaisa" is very common among the Arabs; cf. Ibn Sa‘ad (ed. Sachau), III, 154, 260, 264, 265, 281, 283, 287, 289; Musnad, VI, 434; Mishkat, 22, 724.

20:20 Geschichte der herrichenden Ideen des Islams, p. 195.

20:21 Ibn Ḫallikân (Egyptian edit., A. H. 1310), I, 316; Mohammed al-‘Omari, at-Mauṣili, "Šeiḫ ‘Adî," quoted by M. N. Siouffi, Journal asiatique, 1885; Yakut, IV, 374.

20:22 ‘Itiḳad Ahl as-Sunna, "Belief of the Sunnites," the Waṣaya, "Counsels to the Califs"; cf. C. Huart, History of Arabic Literature, p. 273.

20:23 See p. 61 of this book.

20:24 Aš-Šahrastânî regards them a Ḫarijite sub-sect.

20:25 Layard, Nineveh and its Remains, II, 254.

21:26 Mohammed al-‘Omari al-Mausili and Yâsîn al-Ḥâtib al-‘Omari al-Mauṣili, "Šeiḫ ‘Adî," quoted by M. N. Siouffi, Journal asiatique, Série viii, V (1885), 80.

21:27 George Wards, Bishop of Arbila, Poems, edited by Heinrich Hilgenfeld, Leipzig, 1904.

21:28 Such as their ceremonies at Šeiḫ ‘Adî (Badger, The Nestorians, I, 117), which have obtained for them the name Cheraġ Sonderan, "The Extinguishers of Light." Bar Hebraeus (Chronicon; Eccles., ed. Abeloos-Lamy, I, 219) Speaks of similar practices p. 25 among what he calls "Borborians," a branch of the Manichaeans, and calls them "The Extinguishers of Light." This name is applied to other eastern sects also; see Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, V, 124.

21:29 Professor Jackson, of Columbia University, Seems to trace it to the "old devil-worship in Mazanderan" (JAOS, XXV, 178). But it is not certain that the Yezidis believe in Melek Ṭâ’ûs as an evil spirit. In the history of religion the god of one people is the devil of another. Asura is a deity in the Rig Veda and an evil spirit only in later Brahman theology. In Islam the gods of heathenism are degraded into jinns, just as the gods of North Semitic heathenism are called še‘îrîm (hairy demons) in Lev. 17:7; or as the gods of Greece and Rome became devils to early Christians. See W. R. Smith, Religion of the Semites, p. 120; Fihrist, pp. 322, 326.

Professor M. Lidzbarski (ZDMG, LI, 592), on the other hand, argues that Ṭâ’ûs is the god Tammuz. His contention is based on the assumption that the word Ṭâ’ûs must embody the ancient god; that in Fihrist, 322, the god Tâuz has a feast on the 15th of Tammuz (July); that in Kurdish, the language of the Yezidis, m is frequently changed to w. This theory also is untenable, for one might guess at any ancient god. The exact form of the name "Tauz" is uncertain (see Chwolsohn, Die Ssabier, II, 202; the statement that in Kurdish m is frequently changed to w is not true, if one would set it up as a grammatical rule to explain such phenomena; the Kurdish-speaking people never pronounce Tammuz, "Tauz;" and, finally, in the Yezidi conception of Melek Ṭâ’ûs there are no traces of the notion held respecting Tammuz.

21:30 p. 26 Such a state of affairs finds a historical parallel in other religions. Take, for example, Christianity. In it we find that the distinctive characteristics of the founder have been wrapped up in many foreign elements brought in by those who came from other religions.

By Kameel Ahmady
The Globe
Ka61@kent.ac.uk
The aim of this paper is
to explore how identity
and ethnicity as distinct
from other groups
in the area has been seen
by Yezidi Kurds throughout
the last century. After
the fall of the Ottoman
Empire and the division
of its lands into a number
of countries where Yezidis
live there have been
many political and social
changes which have had
direct impact on the lives
of the community, and the
ways they practice and
express their faith. Lalash
and Jayia shangar where
I spend some days to do
filed work and document
what you read.
In Iraq, the birth place
of Yezidism, where current
religious leaders and
pilgrim sites are based,
Yezidis have been forced
to show their loyalty and
acceptance of the government’s
political demands
to form a sort of coalition
with the central government.
After the fall of
Saddam once again the
Yezidis have changed
their sense of affiliation,
and now publicly announce
that they are of
Kurdish descent.
There have been seventy
two genocides ordered by
the Muslim rulers in the
past, before the fall of the
Ottomans, in order to wipe
out the Yezidi community,
who were often viewed
as devil worshipers. After
the creation of the modern
states in the Middle East,
these practices stopped.
Therefore, Yezidis viewed
the creation of these nation
states, unlike their fellow
Kurds or ethnically oriented
minorities, as bringing
a sense of security for
their religious rights. It is
true that these developments
served to protect
them from local warlords
and Muslim rulers. Also,
the political situation and
the centralised government
created opportunities
in which the Yezidis
began to freely express
their religious ceremonies
in terms of Haj and large
annual gatherings attended
by thousands. The
government even assisted
with this, allowing Yezidis
to build shrines and
pilgrim sites in Sanjar, a
place called Lalash where
the teaching of Yezidi religion
takes place. The
physical isolation of the
place, along with its ritual
significance, has helped
the Yezidi communities
there to develop a sense
of identity separate from
their neighbours which is
also acceptable for the regimes
in power.
Yezidi Kurds from Iraq
are mostly based in an
area called Jayi Sanjar
(Sanjar Mountain) which
was the battle ground in
the war between Kurdish
militias and the Iraqi regime
in the past. Yezidis
were in a perfect position
to be manipulated in a ‘divide
and rule’ approach to
maintaining power in the
area. Throughout the recent
historical eras since
the fall of the Ottomans,
the Yezidi community has
kept itself closely aligned
with the changing powers
in the area, Arab or Kurd
and regardless of their particular
focus on religion
in the public domain. This
strategy has enabled them
to survive as a coherent
and bounded group, and
kept them safe from local
religious antagonism
s.(Fuccuro,1997:565) As
Islam is the predominant
religion in the countries
where Yezidis reside and
practise, the hostility between
Yezidi and Muslim
communities discouraged
Yezidis from engaging
with surrounding social
and political developments.
This has meant the
community largely maintained
traditional tribal
structures, and in terms
of education for example,
they remain largely illiterate.
As the schools did
not allowed the religion
of Yezidi thought into the
curriculum, communities
have often responded by
not sending their children
to schools. Endogamy is
practised by these Yezidi
communities, and intermarriage
with any one
out side yezidi religion
is strictly forbidden. On
occasions, acting in contradiction
to this has even
carried death orders from
the Yezidi religious leadership.
Given the religious differences
between Yezidi
Kurds and other Muslim
Kurds, which worked to
their advantage, the government
started by ‘Arabising’
the Yezidi Kurds,
encouraging them to
change their identity on
their Iraqi ID cards from
Kurdish to Arab ethnicity.
Their religious book
was published in Arabic,
and their religious leader
offered a seat in the Iraqi
National Parliament. As
well, financial development
grants have been offered
to the area in a bid
to ensure the loyalty of the
Yezidi Kurds to the government.
After the fall of Saddam,
past developments with
respect to Yezidis which
had taken place under his
regime began to unravel.
The Yezidis began to reinvent
themselves as Kurds,
to the extent that changes
to their formal dress code
(which used to be Arabic
in style) in a Kurdish style
have begun in a few short
years. Also, their religious
books are now printed
in Kurdish by the Iraqi
Kurdish authorities, and
the community has now

been given special treatment
socially and politically
by the new regime.
Cohen, in Two-Dimensional
Man talks about
the power order and the
symbolic order as interdependent,
and points out
that this symbiotic nature
has often been overlooked
by wider social and political
science. His explanation
suggests that power
and symbolism function
together to maintain social
institutions, and that
adaptations in either system
can be affected by
changes in the other. (Cohen,
1974:23-24)
In the case of the Yezidi
community in Iraq, we in
fact see that there is a close
parallel between political
events and the ways their
ritual and symbolic order
respond or adapt to wider
political events. Their
position of privilege has
always been maintained
by a creative manipulation
of religious identity,
by aligning it at times
with Arab leadership, at
times with Kurdish ethnicity.
Therefore, by creating
a distinct boundary
of “Yezidi identity” they
can operate in relation to
the changing power order
regardless of who fills the
role of Iraqi leadership.
Political powers, the
economic and political,
are indistinguishable one
from the other. They certainly
differ in a number
of respects. The relationships
which they govern
are formally regulated by
different mechanisms. Political
power is ultimately
maintained by physical
coersion. Economic
power is ultimately maintained
by reward and deprivation.
Similarly, the institutions
of kinship and ritual,
though distinct in form,
have a great deal in common,
and the separation
between them is often
arbitrary and sometimes
misleading. They are both
normative, governed by
categorical imperatives,
or ‘oughts’ that are rooted
in the psychic structure
of men in society through
continuous socialisation.
Cohen’s discussion of
the relationship between
the ‘two dimensions’ can
be a useful tool in looking
at the case of the Yezidis.
Throughout the last century,
Yezidis have not been
a politically oriented community,
and traditionally
kept distance from active
political participation. At
the same time, they have
been present in the political
arena by using their
alignments to gain privilege,
siding with those
who were in power. While
there has been number
of political changes and
shifts of power in the area,
the Yezidis have maintained
they loyalty to the
power order. In this way,
their symbolic systems
have always remained
relevant and powerful as
a source of identity to the
Yezidi population, while
being adapted as a useful
political resource in managing
relations with other
power groups.
Emile Durkheim, on
the other hand, says that
church members (who
here we can understand
as any religiously based
community), find “the beliefs
and practices of his
religious life ready-made
at birth; their existence
prior to his own implies
their existence outside of
himself. The system of
signs I use to express my
thought, the system of
currency I employ to pay
my debts, the instruments
of credit I utilize in my
commercial relations, the
practices followed in my
profession, etc function
independently of my own
use of them”. (Durkheim
1909:85)
Durkheim argues that
social facts are real because
their effects can be
felt. People are compelled
to live according to the
rules of their society and
violate them at their peril.
While Cohen’s ideas
about the power order and
politics suggest that they
always work together,
Durkheim’s ideas seems
to view religion as fixed in
society, and not necessarily
associated with other
aspects of life. Looking
at the case of Yezidis in
present day Iraq, we see
that while the image of
this community is one
of isolation and cultural
distinctness, they have
also adapted to changing
social and political situations.
Yezidi identity has
even been used as a way
to maintain good relations
with those in power. This
can be observed in material
culture as much as
beliefs, as in the example
of the changes to religious
texts and dress codes of
contemporary Yezidis.
We might say that from
the perspective of the
Yezidis themselves, Durkhiem’s
ideas seem most
accurate, however if we
look at things from an external
perspective, we see
that the close interaction
between power order and
behaviours surrounding
religious practice illustrates
Cohen’s ideas about
the ‘two dimensions’ of
man. Each act and belief
is a political one and a
symbolic one.
Bibliography
Fuccuro, Nelida (1997)
Ethnicity, and state formation:
the case of yezidi
Kurds of sanjar in International
Journal of Middle
East Studies vol, 29,
No. 4 pp 559-580
Maclver (1947) in
Cohen, Abner (1974)
Two-Dimensional Man
London: Routledge Publishing
Cohen, Abner (1974)
Two-Dimensional Man
London: Routledge Publishing
Durkheim, Emile (1909)

Как эмбрион человека сохраняет атавизмы недоразвития, так и праязык напоминал детский лепет

«Множитель корня − согласный звук - показатель его живучести. Слова размножаются не гласными, а согласными.
Согласные − семя и залог потомства языка. Пониженное языковое сознание − отмирание чувства согласной».
"Заметки о поэзии", 1923, Осип Мандельштам

Обоснование теории Alpte - фонетического минимума

I. ВОЗМОЖЕН ЛИ «МОНОКОНСОНАНТИЗМ»?

Согласно теории универсалий¹ , не обнаружено в мире естественных языков, где было бы менее 10 и более 80 фонем. При этом, как показывают многочисленные исследования, отношение числа гласных к количеству согласных не может быть больше двух: V/C < 2.

Если второму правилу язык Альптэ соответствует, то первому явно нет. Букв здесь всего пять, хотя фонем (с учетом длительности, ряда и подъема) около семи.

В гавайском языке 13 букв (aehiklmnopuw^?), где t>k, r>l. В восточно-папуасском языке ротокас²  (о. Бугенвиль) фонем еще меньше - 10 (aeio; ptk, v [b~β], r [d~r], g [γ~g]), правда в диалектах есть ŋ, m, n. Это своеобразный рекорд Книги Гиннеса для естественных языков. Столько же букв и в  языке южноамериканских индейцев пираха в отдаленном северо-западном районе Бразилии (единственный представитель муранских языков): a, b, g, h, i, (k), o, p, s, t, x [ʔ] (обращает внимание отсутствие сонорных). Из конлангов можно вспомнить разве что токипону³ с 14-ю буквами алфавита (aeijklmnopstuw).

Известна теория моновокализма⁴, предложенная Ф. де Соссюром, по которой  все гласные индоевропейского праязыка структурно и исторически сводимы к одному - *ĕ. В результате разысканий не обнаружено  языков с одним фонологически иррелевантным гласным. Хотя в этом отношении типологические сближения возможны с языками тонкава⁵, праадыгейским (в убыхском языке абхазо-адыгской семьи есть всего две гласных: открытая [а] и закрытая [ə]) и аранта⁶ (семья пама-нюнга аборигенов Австралии). Для абхазского⁷, абазинского и аранта также характерен двучленный вокализм a~e.

Проект Alpte - попытка доказать теорию моновокализма (точнее «фонетического минимума»), но не только применительно к гласным, но и согласным. Пятибуквенный алфавит (пентафон) - скорее всего предел построения такого миниалфавита. Правда, непонятно - является ли «фонетическая бедность» глубоким архаизмом (начальным праязыковым состоянием) или новацией (опрощением звукового).

Ларингальная теория⁸ допускала исконное существование древнейшего лингвистического состояния двух фонаций-тембров - *ĕ и *ŏ, их функциональное единство в чередованиях по аблауту.

Сужение фонетического инструментария вызывает омонимию, которая в Альптэ компенсируется местоименными смыслоразличительными артиклями и префиксами неодушевленности -al. Например: *apet > alpet «опыт», apet «путь». Однако омонимия изжита не полностью: alela луна, ее; atél один, день; aláta мать, рот…

Любопытно, что в Альптэ числа за счет омонимии имеют помимо цифровых другие символические значения: 1 atél (день), 2 atpá (знание), 4 (atételá) и ожидание tételé, 5 apat (пот), 6 atetta (щетка), 7 atel (сын), 8 atépát (живот), 100 atta (акт)⁹. 

Обратите внимание, что в Альптэ совпадает звучание числительных 10 (atétat) и 1000 (atetatá). Сравните аналогичный параллелизм в грузинском языке: 10 ati 100 asi, а также. Но более интересно схожесть названий других числительных − 1 (atél) и 7 (atel). Не есть ли это свидетельство давнего существования семеричной системы счисления? В реконструируемом протоиндоевропейском языке имеются аналогичные совпадения: 1 - *sem и 7 - *septm. Из сохранившихся языков рудименты семеричной системы счета сохранились у кетов (енисейские языки): 1 - qogd', 7 - on's', 8 - in'æmbuns'aŋ qus'.

Числительные Альптэ обнаруживают схожесть звучания не только с индоевропейскими языками¹⁰. Например, 1 (atél) и в мандеязычном языке народа Африки бобофинг tala, в папуасском языке ремпи (фила маданг) atel; 2 (atpá) и в абхазском − ҩба [уаба], в языке индейцев микмак tápu; 3 (atla) и в ассирийском ţla; 4 (atételá) и в языке огнеземельцев алакалуф aitetele, 6 (atett) и в арабском sittath... Но больше всего аналогий − с австроазиатскими¹¹ языками: 2 (atpá) и в капампанган adwa, 3 (atla) и в чамском tlaw, в тагальском tatló в капампанган atlu, протоавстронезийская реконструкция *telu, 100 (atta) и в чамском mtuh, в папуасском ротокосе (vo)voto.

Вызванные фонетической минимализацией омонимические ряды весьма любопытны. Причем, некоторые совпадения в звучании слов находят соответствие в других языках и связаны с древними мифологическими представлениями. Рассмотрим несколько из них.

В Альптэ совпадают в форме atla слова ‘тьма’ и ‘зло’; похоже звучат atáplá ‘добро’ и atáplét ‘запрет’; láe ‘мяукать’ и lae ‘лаять’. А корень слова atéla ‘жена’, ‘дума’ содержится в слове atélapet ‘человек’.

В словах atélla ‘зерно’, e téllé ‘черный’, atélla ‘земля’ и atellá ‘семя’ можно угадать латинский корень terra ‘земля’.

Слова ‘мама’, ‘мор’ и ‘море’ звучат в Альптэ тоже одинаково – alálá. Надо заметить, что семантическая связь этих понятий прослеживается в древних культурах. Сравните древнеегипетскую богиню-мать Мут (mw.t) и персонификацию смерти в западно-семитских мифах Моту. Во многих языках ‘смерть’ обозначается через комплекс букв m-t. В гавайском языке makuahine ‘мать’, ‘смерть’ make. О женской природе смерти, болезни, войне (эти слова во многих языках имеют женский род) писал Ф. Ницше. Кроме того, если в Альптэ мать обозначается alát, то в древнеарабской мифологии есть Аллат – богиня, женская ипостась докоранического Аллаха, отождествлявшаяся с Афродитой.

«Первобытного языка нельзя найти ни в истории, ни в преданиях, ни в грамматиках»

(Шарль де Бросс, "Рассуждения о механическом составе языков в физических началах этимологии").

В Альптэ звучат похоже allatá ‘ночь’ и alléta ‘река’. Здесь можно различить аналогию с рекой забвения Летой, где греческий корень led.leth обозначает ‘ночь’, ‘забвение’ и связан с богиней Лето. Сравните также слова ‘молоко’ в Альптэ (alálat) и в итальянском языке (latte).

Конечно, как совпадение, можно считать схожесть слов в Альптэ ‘змея’ atléla и ‘шнур’ atlela. Однако омонимия слов ‘змея’ atléla и ‘глаз’ atlálá – характерная черта многих австроазиатских языков: в меланезийском языке тангоа ‘змея’ mata, ‘глаз’ mata, в чамском ‘мать’ me^?, ‘глаз’ mta, ‘смерть’ mtaj.

В Альптэ слова ‘небо’ alepá похоже на alépá ‘рыба’. Аналогичное соответствие (звезда=рыба) есть в дравидийских языках, где оба понятия обозначаются одним словом min. К слову, это стало одним из фактов в пользу родства дравиди языку протоиндской цивилизации Хараппы и Мохенджо-Даро¹²

Слово ‘вода’ в Альптэ звучит apátá, тогда как в ведийской мифологии известен Апам-Напат, «сын вод», а в румынском языке apă ‘вода’. В Альптэ ‘огонь’ трансформировалось в atál, тогда как atar у иранцев означал персонификацию огня, а в «Ригведе» известен эпитет бога Агни atharyu ‘пылающий’.

Другая пара слов-двойников – «буква-ветвь» (apétpá). В ирландском огамическом алфавите буквы назывались feda (буквально «ветви»), в русском «буква-бук».

В Альпте совпадают слова ‘солнце’ и ‘кольцо’ (atalta) [интересен семантический ряд солнце - гора - конь], ‘луна’ alela и ‘мера’ alelá, ‘небо’ alepá и ‘муха’ alépa, ‘мясо’ aláta и ‘нога’ alatá, ‘вино’ apéla и ‘вера’ apéla, ‘звезда’ atpétta и ‘свист’ atpeta, ‘мужчина’ aléttél и ‘мускул’ aléttel, ‘собака’ atapáta и ‘забота’ atápáta.

В общей череде любопытна омонимия «деньги-шерсть» (átéltá – ateltá). В латинском языке есть аналогичное явление: pecus-pecunia – «скот-деньги». Это древнейшая связь волосатости и богатства, остатки которой сохранились в таком обороте, как «иметь косматую руку». Интересно и другое соответствие: «волос-память» (apálat – apalát). В сказках многих народов острижение волос лишает героя памяти и сил (сравните обряд монашеского пострига). например в Ветхом завете говорится:

«И усыпила Самсона Далила на коленах своих, и призвала человека, и велела остричь семь кос головы его. И начал он ослабевать, и отступила от него сила его».

Еще один пример – семантическая неочевидная связь «слово-кровь» (atlapá – atlápá). Из скандинавского эпоса «Эдда» известна мифологема о приготовлении «меда поэзии», замешанного на крови карлика Квасира.

В эддическом эпосе есть косвенные свидетельства того, что руны связаны с т.н. «медом поэзии» – священным напитком мудрости и поэтического дара. Он был сделан карликами-цвергами из крови убитого ими мудреца Квасира и пчелиного меда.

Здесь, по-видимому, указывается на третий компонент «меда поэзии» – руны, которые вместе с кровью и медом составляют напиток мудрости. «Младшая Эдда» упоминает также 3 сосуда, куда разлит «мед поэзии»: Одрёрир (приводящий дух в движение), Сон (кровь) и Бодн. Т.о. можно сказать, что руны явились в мир не самостоятельно, а вместе с «медом поэзии». Вначале их вырезали на дереве, окрасили кровью, затем соскоблили и растворили в священном напитке.

Следствием фонетического минимализма является «псевдоэтимологической способности», когда многократно увеличивается число похожих слов, которые можно отыскать в разных языках (особенно в тех, где очень мало звуков). Пример такой «сходимости» – Альптэ, ротокас и гавайский язык. В Альптэ слова ‘небо’ звучит как alepá, а в гавайском – lewa; в Альптэ ‘10’ и ‘100’ – atétat и atta, а в ротокас – tau и (vo)voto; в Альптэ Apátá и в ротокосе Pauto означает 'Бог'. И еще чамский язык, где ‘я’ означает lá, а в Альптэ ala, в чамском ‘звезда’ patu^?, а в Альптэ – atpétta.

Возвращаясь к числительным в Альптэ, можно проследить, что этот конланг (несмотря на сильную перестройку и редукцию системы консонантизма) сохранил элементы, характерные для индоевропейских языков и реконструируемые на мифологическом уровне.

Дао порождает Одно,
Одно порождает Два (инь и ян),
Два порождает Три (небо, землю и человека).
Лао-Цзы, "Дао Дэ Цзин", стих 42.

Например связь слова 'человек' (atél-apét) с 'землей' (atélla), а также с семантической цепочкой 'черный-сырой-серый-дыра-зима-земля', а также с противоположным комплексом представлений 'день-солнце'. Интересно, что аналогичные мотивы есть в индоевропейских языках¹³. В латинском языке 'человек' − homo от humus (земля); в литовском − аналогичная параллель: žmonės − žėmė (человек − земля). Кроме того, существует древнейший мифологический образ единства земли и неба, как супружеской пары. Сравните, в армянском языке некоторую параллель между словами «два» и «три» (yerku и yerekh), а также erkin 'земля' и erkir 'небо'. В ирландском общеиндоевропейское числительное «два» соотносилось со словом duine (человек < смертный). Числительное «три» также представлялось как водная стихия (в том же ирландском языке море − triath; в греческом Тритон).

Ведический мудрец Трита, который жалуется богам на свою судьбу со дна глубокого колодца (Ригведа, I:105) − отголосок архетипического сюжета о двух братьях, бросивших третьего, самого младшего в колодец.

Сказал один из них: "Не убивайте Юсуфа, а бросьте его в глубину колодца, − подберет его кто-нибудь из проходящих, если вы это решили сделать"... И пришли путники и послали своего ходока; тот спустил ведро свое и сказал: "О радость, это юноша".
Коран, сура 12 Юсуф

В Альптэ можно выстроить омонимический ряд, в котором зло (atla), тьма (atla), змея (atlea) и знание (atla) звучат либо аналогично либо похоже, как и числительное «три» atla. А числительное «четыре» напоминает в Альптэ слово tétéle 'ожидание'¹⁴.

Кстати, слово 'человек' в некоторых языках этимологизируется как смертный. Например в греческом языке − βροτος. Если переложить это слово с использованием правил субституции Альптэ, то получится − plátat (сравните  'aplata' оплата'). На память приходит мифическая омонимия богов Плутона и Плутоса (если первый − хозяин подземного мира, то второй − персонификация богатства).

II. «ДЕТСКАЯ РЕЧЬ» И ПРАЯЗЫК

Скажи мне, чертежник пустыни,

Сыпучих песков геометр,

Ужели безудержность линий

Сильнее, чем дующий ветр?

– Меня не касается трепет

Его иудейских забот -

Он опыт из лепета лепит

И лепет из опыта пьет.

"Восьмистишия", Осип Мандельштам

В свое время теория эволюции получила еще одно подтверждения после изучения эмбрионального развития человека. На начальных стадиях у зародыша млекопитающих можно различить жаберные щели, которые затем утрачиваются. Эмбрион в сжатые сроки проходит эволюцию, которая понадобилась для превращения из морских организмов в Homo sapiens миллиарды лет.

По дарвиновской теории эволюции более древние организмы проще устроены, чем позднейшие. Если языки тоже считать организмами (т.н. социал-дарвинизм), то и в самую раннюю эпоху они должны были содержать те звуки, которые легче всего усваивает ребенок. Известно, что труднее всего детям даются шипящие, свистящие и особенно [r]. Сравните замену слов «лошадка» на [ласатка] и «скамейка» на [камейка].

Наблюдения показывают¹⁵, что действительно у всех детей в любой части земного шара первыми «звуками» бывают слоговые сочетания по преимуществу с губными согласными: ма-ма, па-па, ба-ба, а далее: ня-ня, тя-тя, дя-дя. Эта общность связана с тем, что движением губ легче управлять, чем движением, например, задней части языка, а наличие слогов ня-ня и т.п. объясняется тем, что при мягких согласных работает бóльшая масса языка, чем при твердых. В нейролингвистике, особенности детской речи трактуются как онтогенетическое развитие лингвистического процесса¹⁶.

«Словарь Вильяма Шекспира по подсчету исследователей составляет 12 тысяч слов. Словарь негра из людоедского племени Мумбо-Юмбо составляет 300 слов. элочка Щукина легко и свободно обходилась тридцатью»

(И. Ильф и Е. Петров, "Двенадцать стульев")

Причудливая звукопись Альптэ вызвана крайней фонетической скудностью. Помимо омонимии это сопряжено, как уже говорилось с непреднамеренным появлением в словах редупликации и аллитерации¹⁷. Любопытно, что Осип Мандельштам будто бы предвосхитил идею Альптэ в своих аллитерационных изысканиях: его стихотворная фраза «Он опыт из лепета лепит И лепет из опыта пьет» требует минимум усилий при переводе на язык Альптэ (Al apet et alepet lepat T'alepet et apete pet).  И это неудивительно: слова 'лепта', 'лапта', 'лепет', 'лапа', 'лопата' звучат также, как и в Альптэ. Когда же в стихотворении «Декабрист» ("Все перепуталось, и сладко повторять
Россия, Лета, Лорелея") Мандельштам сравнивает Россию с Летой, то здесь можно припомнит, что в Альптэ Русь так и звучит − Léta. Альптэ − своего рода выправление благозвучия, избавляющее русский язык от причастных "вшей" и "щей".

Еще пример неосознанного предвосхищения − летающий остров Лапута, язык обитателей которого также обладал признаками фонетического минимализма.

«Я так и не мог узнать, откуда взялось слово Лапута¹⁸, которое я перевожу словами летучий или плавучий, остров. Лап − старинное, вышедшее из употребления слово, означающее высокий, унту − правитель; отсюда, как утверждают ученые, произошло слово Лапута, искаженное Лапунту. Но по-моему, Лапута есть не что иное, как лапаутед: лап означает игру солнечных людей на поверхности моря, утед − крыло».
Дж. Свифт, "Путешествие Лемюэля Гулливера"

Также можно вспомнить и свифтовских лилипутов, и связь этого слова с английским little. Интересно, что в литовском языке кукла − lėlė, в польском − lalka, в финском ребенок − lapsi, игрушка lelu. Финский язык также представляет интерес для нашей теории поскольку является олигоконсонантным и заимствование слов происходит по схожим принципам, как и в Альптэ (хлеб по-фински leipä, в Альптэ − aplepá).

Существует сказочный архетип «чудесного дитя» есть, например, в «Калевале», где ребенок пророчит конец старого мира. В этрусской мифологии существовало загадочное божество Таг с обличием ребенка, выкопанного из-под земли и обладавшего мудростью пророка и навыком гадателя - первого гаруспика. Греческий Эрот несмотря на свой юный возраст считался  древнейшим божеством, а у орфиков - всевластной мировой силой. не отсюда ли происходит изречение Гераклита: «Время - играющий мальчик».

«Теперь ее грудной ребенок лежал в колыбели и думал себе: "Чего я лежу?" Вышел из колыбели, ударился о пол и сделался лисицей».

(Русская сказка "Дитя-волшебник")

У Гофмана есть замечательный образ enfant terribl. «Крошка Цахес по прозвищу Цинобер» - ребенок, получивший от феи чудесный дар присваивать чужие таланты. В эддических мифах легендарный «Мед поэзии» готовят карлики-цверги, быстро состарившиеся от избытка мудрости дети.

Сравните имя китайского философа Лао-Цзы, которое иногда трактуют, как «старый ребенок». В этой связи характерно одно его изречение о том, что «человек, появляясь на свет, мягок и податлив, а когда умирает - негибок и тверд» ("Дао Дэ Цзин", Стих 76).

В философии Ф. Ницше дитя - образ сверхчеловеческого духа, полагающие ценности; третья стадия духа, разыгрывающем творчество. Ребенок в архаических системах мифа связан с начальными временами. Маргинальная позиция дитя, который стоит на границе сакрального и профанного миров¹⁹, позволяет воспринимать этот образ с известной долей магии, вера в сверхъестественные способности детей, в то, что "устами младенца глаголет истина" (а то и сам Бог).

В «Евангелии детства (Евангелии от Фомы)» повествуется, как один учитель стал учить малолетнего Христа грамоте, последний же произнес: «Если ты истинный учитель и хорошо знаешь буквы, скажи мне, что такое альфа, и Я скажу тебе, что такое бета». Примечательный оборот содержится и в Коране, когда в оправдание Марьям заговорил ее ребенок в колыбели (19:16 - 34).

Для нашего уха такие созвучия отдают чем-то не очень торжественным, и мы называем их каламбурами; но учительная традиция восточных народов искони пользовалась ими как праздничным убранством речи и одновременно полезной подмогой для памяти, долженствующей цепко удержать назидательное слово. (От берегов Босфора до берегов Евфрата. Антология ближневосточной литературы I тысячелетия н.э., М, 1994).

Когда семитологи принялись за опыты по реконструкции начальной арамейской формы евангельских изречений, под медлительным ритмом греческого текста проступила сжатая, упругая речь, более похожая на энергичные стихи, чем на прозу, играющая каламбурами, ассонансами, аллитерациями и рифмоидами, сама ложащаяся на память, как народное присловье. (Black M. An Aramaic approach to the Gospels and Acta. 3rd ex, Oxf., 1969).

Вот наглядный пример. В фразе «Если у кого-либо из вас сын или вол упадет в колодезь» (Лук. 14,5) непонятно почем вол сопряжен с сыном? Греческие переписчики заменили 'сына' на 'осла'. Однако все дело в том, что по-арамейски все эти три слова звучат очень похоже: bera сын, beira вол, bēra колодезь.

Можно спорить обладают ли семитские языки сами по себе повышенной аллитерационной способностью, но про Альптэ это можно сказать точно. Сравните вышеприведенную фразу, но уже на Альптэ. которая без усилий становится аллитерационной: Etle é tte atel ele apál épátá p'atalatété.

¹⁸ Есть, правда, догадка, что Лапута происходит от испанского слова La puta (путана, шлюха).

¹⁹ Неклюдов С.Ю., "Героическое детство" в эпосах Востока и Запада // Историко-филологические исследования. Сб. статей памяти ак. Н.И. Конрада, М., 1974.

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